考研英語閱讀材料匯編之社會(huì)類(1)
AS the Waters Rise
As world leaders met to discuss climate change at the United Nations this week, protesters outside seemed unconvinced that drowning islands and expanding deserts were the plane's biggest woe. Latin Americans lamented the imperialism of the United States. Vietnamese with Buddhist flags decried their govermnent's impiety, while emigres from Iran deplored their rulers' religious fervour.
Inside the building, concerns were almost as diffuse. Some thought the most pressing aspect of climate change was rising sea levels; others, the growing intensity of storms and droughts; and others the spread of pests and diseases. Many poor countries felt more money was needed to address the problem; rich ones fretted about a lack of political will and popular enthusiasm. South Africa wanted more "mainstreaming of women and youth". Bolivia's president, Evo Morales, called capitalism the “worst enemy”,A sheikh from the United Arab Emirates said too vigorous a response to global warming could wreck oil-dependent economies. And President George Bush, not content with the UN event, held his own meeting on climate change on September 27th.
In theory, both his gathering and the UN one aimed to foster debate about a successor to the Kyoto protocol the UN's existing treaty on climate change, which expires in 2012. But the rhetoric surrounding the two deliberations was very different. At the UN meeting, almost every leader spoke of "common but differentiated responsibilities”---jargon for the idea that rich countries must cut their emissions of greenhouse gases, while poor ones carry on as normal unless the rich world pays for them to clean up their act. The White House affair, meanwhile, focused on disseminating green technology. The implicit message was that binding emissions targets are counter-productive, and that any solution must involve poor countries as well as rich ones.
Yvo de Boer, head of the agency that oversees Kyoto and its precursor, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, says the gulf between America and the rest is less wide than it appears. Although Mr. Bush is not yet ready to contemplate a binding international treaty that would limit greenhouse-gas emissions, he does advocate policies that could help trim America's emissions. As it is, states representing over half of America's emissions have pledged cuts of some kind. Congress, meanwhile, is contemplating several bills that would impose a national cap. Australia, the other rich country that rejected Kyoto, is also working on an emissions-reduction plan.
Poor countries, for the most part, are still refusing to accept any targets of their own. They
argue that rich countries have not made enough use of the Clean Development Mechanism(CDM), a scheme under Kyoto that lets countries with emissions-reduction targets meet them in part through projects in poor countries. Cuba's foreign minister, for one, dismissed rich countries' efforts to date as modestisimo: he questioned the "moral authority” of leaders like Mr. Bush. India merely vowed that its emissions per head would never exceed the level of rich countries, a formula that still permits enormous growth.
But a few developing countries hinted at a more flexible stance. Mexico suggested tying the aid given to poor countries through programmes like the CDM to their efforts to combat climate change. Indonesia's president, amid more talk of "differentiated responsibilities", said all countries should take on bigger burdens, and told fellow leaders to "think outside the box". There was much discussion--albeit mostly on the sidelines--of poor countries taking on targets for emissions per head, or per unit of output in certain industries.
All this hints at the shape of things to come. America and Australia can probably be enticed to limit emissions, especially if, as expected, both get new governments in the next year or two. But the oversight and administration of such a deal might be looser than under Kyoto, given America's suspicion of global bureaucrats. Poor countries might he induced to take on targets of some sort, albeit of a less exacting sort than the straight emissions cuts faced by rich countries. But forging such a deal could take an age: neither America nor the UN expect any conclusion before late 2008.Perhaps those low-lying islands should not count on staying dry.
詞匯注解
重點(diǎn)單詞
unconvinced / ,?nk?n'vinst/
【文中釋義】adj.不信服的
【大綱全義】adj.不信服的
漫無邊際的;四散的,彌散的
diffuse / di'fju:z/
【文中釋義】adj.散開的,彌漫的
【大綱全義】V.擴(kuò)散;傳播 adj.(文章等)冗長(zhǎng)的,
intensity /in'tensiti/
【文中釋義】n.強(qiáng)烈,劇烈
【大綱全義】n.強(qiáng)烈,劇烈;強(qiáng)度
drought /draut/
【文中牌義】n.干旱
【大綱全義】n.旱災(zāi),干早
fret /fret/
【文中釋義】v.煩惱,不滿
【大綱全義】n.煩躁,磨損,焦急 v.煩惱,不滿,磨損
expire /iks'pai?/
【文中釋義】v期滿,失效,終止
【大綱全義】v.期滿,失效,(期限)終止;呼氣;斷氣,死亡
deliberation / di,lib?'re??n /
【文中釋義】n.熟慮,熟思
【大綱全義】n.熟慮,熟思,協(xié)議
implicit / im'plisit/
【文中釋義】adj.暗示的,含蓄的,不講明的
【大綱全義】adj.含蓄的;(in)固有的;無疑問的;絕對(duì)的
contemplate /'k?ntempleit/
【文中釋義】v.注視,沉思,打算
【大綱全義】v.盤算,計(jì)議;周密考慮;注視,凝視
bind /baind/
【文中釋義】v.綁,約束
【大綱全義】v.捆,綁,約束,包括,束縛;裝訂;使結(jié)合
treaty /'tri:ti/
【文中釋義】n.條約,協(xié)定
【大綱全義】n.條約,協(xié)議,協(xié)商
reject / ri'd?ekt /
【文中釋義】 v.拒絕,駁回
【大綱全義】 v.拒絕,抵制,丟棄,排斥,退掉
n.落選者,被拒貸品
dismiss /dis’mis/
【文中釋義】v.解散,開除
【大綱全義】v.免職,解雇,開除,解散;駁回,不受理
vow /vau/
【文中釋義】v.立誓,起誓要,鄭重地宣布
【大綱全義】n.元音,元音字母v.立誓,起誓要,鄭重地宣布
formula /'f?:mjul?/
【文中釋義】n.客套語,公式,準(zhǔn)則
【大綱全義】n.公式;規(guī)則;分子式;藥方
超綱單詞
impiety n.無信抑,無信心,不虔誠 fervour n.熱情(白熱狀態(tài))
sheikh n.阿拉伯首長(zhǎng)(族長(zhǎng)) rhetoric adj花言巧語的
differentiate v.區(qū)別,差別 precursor n.先驅(qū)者,前導(dǎo),先進(jìn)者
albeit conj.雖然(即使)
重點(diǎn)段落譯文
本周,當(dāng)世界各國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人在聯(lián)合國總部會(huì)聚一堂,探討氣候變化的問題時(shí),大樓外的抗議者并未把島嶼被淹和沙漠?dāng)U張視為這個(gè)星球上最大的不幸:拉丁美洲的人民抱怨美國的帝國主義政策;越南的僧侶們痛斥他們政府對(duì)宗教的褻瀆;來自伊朗的移民譴責(zé)伊朗當(dāng)局的宗教狂熱。
聯(lián)合國總部大樓內(nèi),不同的國家、不同的民族關(guān)心的問題也各不相同。一些國家認(rèn)為當(dāng)前最緊迫的問題是氣候變化引起的海平面上升;有的國家認(rèn)為是旱澇災(zāi)害的加劇;還有的認(rèn)為是蟲害和疾病的傳播。許多貧困國家覺得他們需要獲得更多的資金以解決問題;發(fā)達(dá)國家對(duì)國民普遍缺乏政治熱情而焦慮不已;南非要求允許更多婦女和年輕人回歸主流;玻利維亞總統(tǒng)伊·莫拉萊斯聲稱資本主義才是罪魁禍?zhǔn)?一位阿拉伯聯(lián)合酋長(zhǎng)國的酋長(zhǎng)說對(duì)全球氣候變暖的過分關(guān)注可能切斷石油大國的經(jīng)濟(jì)命脈。而布什總統(tǒng)則無視聯(lián)合國的事務(wù),于9月27日在白宮召開了有關(guān)環(huán)境變化的會(huì)議。
從理論上來講,不論是布什的小會(huì)還是聯(lián)合國大會(huì),都是為尋求《京都協(xié)議》的后繼條約而努力,聯(lián)合國有關(guān)環(huán)境變化的現(xiàn)有條例將在2012年失效。但是,兩個(gè)會(huì)議所高談闊論的重點(diǎn)又是截然不同的。聯(lián)合國大會(huì)上,大多數(shù)國家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人都主張國際法所確立的“共同而有區(qū)別的責(zé)任”原則,這一原則規(guī)定發(fā)達(dá)國家必須減少溫室氣體的排放量,發(fā)展中國家維持現(xiàn)有的排放量,除非發(fā)達(dá)國家為他們的排放量買單。與此同時(shí),白宮將主要問題放在綠色環(huán)保技術(shù)的推廣上,也就是說,白宮認(rèn)為在減排問題上如果將發(fā)達(dá)國家與發(fā)展中國家區(qū)別對(duì)待,效果只會(huì)適得其反。無論采取什么方法解決,對(duì)發(fā)達(dá)國家和發(fā)展中國家應(yīng)該一視同仁。
據(jù)京都議定書的監(jiān)督者,《聯(lián)合國氣候變化框架協(xié)議》秘書處執(zhí)行秘書伊弗·德布爾介紹,在溫室氣體的減排這一問題上,美國正在縮小與其他國家的差距。雖然布什尚未考慮制定一項(xiàng)限制溫室氣體排放的國際性公約,但他已同意采取措施削減美國的排放量,事實(shí)也的確如此,美國有一半以上的州已經(jīng)做出減排及其他措施的保證。同時(shí)美國國會(huì)也正考慮設(shè)立議案限制溫室氣體的排放。如反對(duì)《京都協(xié)議》的其他一些發(fā)達(dá)國家,如澳大利亞也正在建立一個(gè)減少溫室氣體排放的計(jì)劃。
大部分發(fā)展中國家仍然拒絕他們的減排義務(wù),他們認(rèn)為發(fā)達(dá)國家并未完全遵守《京都協(xié)議》的清潔發(fā)展機(jī)制,這項(xiàng)機(jī)制允許一些國家為了符合減排要求,在發(fā)展中國家設(shè)廠投資。例如,古巴外交部長(zhǎng)對(duì)發(fā)達(dá)國家的努力不以為然,他認(rèn)為那是微不足道的,他對(duì)布什等一些所謂的道德政府表示質(zhì)疑。印度領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人僅僅承諾他們的人均排放量絕不會(huì)超過發(fā)達(dá)國家,這就使印度未來排放量的大幅增長(zhǎng)合理化了。
希望各位考生能夠每天堅(jiān)持閱讀,提高詞匯量和語感能力,為以后的系統(tǒng)復(fù)習(xí)打下堅(jiān)實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)。最后提醒大家,夏季來臨,復(fù)習(xí)備考需注意防暑降溫。預(yù)??佳谐晒?
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